Local election seat projections for 2026

By Stephen Fisher

Vote-intention opinion polls provided a rough guide to council seat net gains and losses last year. Reform, Greens and the Liberal Democrats were up in the polls, compared with four-years prior, and so made gains. Reform were up most in the polls and also made the biggest gains. Conversely, the Conservatives were down in the polls more than Labour were, and correspondingly lost more seats than Labour did. 

But while the direction of change was the same in the local elections as it was in the polls, the scale of the Reform gains and corresponding Conservative losses was extraordinary. The graph below shows what an enormous outlier the Reform performance was relative to the pattern up to 2024.   

The following graph shows that 2025 was also a clear outlier for the Conservatives.

For Labour, the Liberal Democrats and the Greens, the net gains and losses were broadly in line with expectations based on previous elections, as the following graphs show. 

Table 1 shows how party support in the opinion polls has changed since 2022 when most of the seats up this year were last fought. The 2026 figures are the average of the most recent poll from each of eleven pollsters that were conducted within the last month. The table also includes the corresponding figures used last year.  The broad situation is the same: Reform up by over 20 points; Conservatives and Labour down heavily; and the Liberal Democrats and Greens also up from four-years prior. 

Table 1. Opinion poll changes from 2021 to 2025, and 2022 to 2026 locals (GB)

%20212025Change 21-2520222026Change 22-26
Con4123-183418-16
Lab3624-124019-21
LD713+61012+2
Green59+4615+9
Reform225+23227+25

On that basis, the broad pattern of seat gains and losses is likely to be similar to last year: big gains for Reform; more modest gains for the Greens and the Liberal Democrats; and heavy losses for the Conservatives and Labour. 

Local Seat Projections

My projections for local election seat gains and losses for the May 2026 round of local elections are in Table 2. With over five thousand seats up and a lot of change in public opinion since 2022, some of the projected gains and losses are huge. They imply a net movement of nearly three thousand council seats from the two traditionally largest parties to the Greens, Liberal Democrats and especially Reform.

Table 2. Projections for net seat gains and losses at 2026 local elections

 Seat projections
Con-1010
Lab-1900
LD+200
Green+450
Reform+2260

The +200 net seat gains projected for the Liberal Democrats is the only projection based on a model I have used for several years: a regression of LD seat share change on Con-LD swing, with allowance for additional losses during the coalition years.

The projected +450 net gains for the Greens is based on the same method that worked reasonably well last year: an additional 1% of the seats up for every percentage point rise in the polls since four-years prior.

For the Conservatives and Reform, both the classic models and the method I used last year provide a poor fit for last year. Since this year has a high chance of having a broadly similar result to last year, a different approach is needed. 

Reform will make +2260 net gains if they are able to translate their +25-point rise in the polls into council seats at the same rate as they translated their +23-point poll rise last year. 

The knock-on consequences of three thousand projected net gains for Reform, Greens and Liberal Democrats combined are for the Conservatives and Labour collectively to suffer a net loss of 74.2% of the seats they are defending. The independents and minor parties may also lose seats, but since they are only defending 260 that will not alleviate much of the damage to the Conservatives and Labour.

The projected -1010 losses for the Conservatives and -1900 for Labour in Table 2 are based on the assumption that both parties suffer that same 74.2% loss of seats. That assumption is a compromise position. Since the Conservatives are down more heavily than Labour in the polls we might expect the Conservatives to lose seats at a greater rate. On the other hand, Labour have been losing more heavily than the Conservatives in local by-elections since May

If the Conservatives do lose -1010 seats net, they will be down to around 350, just 7% of the seats up. That is startlingly low, but still larger than the 6% of seats that Labour won last year.

The seats up this year are traditionally a strong set for Labour, not least because they are mainly in London and other Metropolitan borough councils. In 2022 Labour won just over half the seats up in England. If the projected -1900 losses is correct then Labour will win just 13% of the seats.

Local by-election gains and losses since May 2025 provide some reason to think that Reform may not do so well as polls and the pattern in last year’s big round of local elections would suggest. Reform have made +68 net gains in by-elections, representing 37.2% of the 183 seats up. If replicated this May, net gains of 37.2% would amount to +1865 seats. While that is well short of the +2260 projection in Table 2, it would still be record breaking.

On the same basis, the Conservatives will lose half their seats (-670) and Labour three-quarters (-1920) if local by-election loss rates over the last year are repeated this May. 

Post-mortem for 2025 projections

The predictions from last year in Table 3 below are taken from Mark Pack’s helpful compilation. Given the graphs above, readers will not be surprised to see that my projections were reasonably good for Labour, the Liberal Democrats and the Greens, but well out for the Conservatives and Reform. 

Table 3. Forecasts and actual local election net seat gains/losses for 2025

 Britain ElectsElectoral CalculusPolitics UKRobert HaywardSam FreedmanMy projectionsActual
Con-538-471-545-475 to -525-500 to -600-350-675
Lab+72-32-183-25 to +25“Roughly” zero-140-189
LD+104+68+203+70 to +80+50 to +150+75+163
Green+17-1+44+20 to +40“Small” gains+65+44
Reform+311+474+522+400 to +450+350 to +500+375+677
Others     -25+20

The Green and Reform projections were simply based on an additional 1% of the seats up for every extra percentage point increase in their poll rating since 2021. That worked reasonably well for the Greens but was not good enough for Reform. Others rightly anticipated greater gains, but all substantially underestimated Reform. While I thought my projection for Reform was a “reasonable benchmark,” given the polls at the time, there was no clear basis from the pattern of past local elections to predict any bigger gains for Reform. 

I am glad I said, “I suspect that with 995 seats to defend, the Conservatives will lose more than 350.” However, I also said, “the model unwittingly projects Labour to lose nearly half their seats. That seems unlikely.” Labour actually lost nearly two-thirds of their seats.

Many thanks to Colin Rallings, Michael Thrasher, David Cowling, Rob Ford and the BBC for help compiling the data over the years.

Benchmarks for Reform seat gains at the 2026 English local elections

By Stephen Fisher, 19th March 2026

What follows is not a forecast, but an analysis showing that Reform UK need to make at least +2050 net seat gains in the English local elections to show they are still performing as well as they did at last year’s local elections and +1935 to be on par with local by-election results since then. However, given that last year Labour lost seats to Reform at a faster rate than did the Conservatives and this year Labour are defending more seats, Reform could make as many as +2270 net gains without that necessarily indicating any significant progress in their ability to win council seats.

If the polls are anything to go by Reform should do even better this year than they did last year. Reform are up three points in the general election vote-intention opinion polls. More relevant, however, is the +26 points rise in Reform polling relative to four years ago when most of the seats up for election this year were last fought. That +26 is three points larger than the corresponding +23-point poll rise Reform were enjoying at the time of last year’s local elections relative to four years prior. Also, Reform have extended its poll leads over the Conservatives and Labour since last year both absolutely and relative to four years prior. On that basis, the polls suggest that Reform should exceed their local election performance from last year.

Last year’s local elections were extraordinary though. From practically a standing start, the net gains for Reform UK amounted to a record-breaking +41% of all the seats up for election.

If Reform repeat that scale of success this year they will make +2050 net seat gains from the 5010 or so seats that will be contested in the English local elections in May. That would comfortably beat the +1661 gains that Tony Blair’s Labour party achieved in England at the 1995 local elections.

Reform’s gains last year were also extraordinary relative to the previous failure for either Reform or UKIP to translate opinion poll strength into substantial numbers of council seat gains, as shown in the graph below. Most striking is the contrast between 2025 and 2024, when the +11.5-point rise in Reform polls (relative to the Brexit Party in 2020) yielded just two seats. 

That Reform won 41% of council seats up with just 31% of the votes cast and an even lower 30% in the BBC Projected National Share (PNS) is unusual but not unprecedented. In 2019 the Conservatives won 42% of the seats with 31% of the vote and a PNS of 28%. Similarly, in 2010 Labour also won 42% of the seats with 32% of the vote and a PNS as low as 28%. Now that Reform is the most popular party in English politics, the electoral system works to the party’s advantage.

Reform gains last year overwhelmingly came from the Conservatives and Labour and barely at all from seats the Liberal Democrats or Greens were defending.  While Reform gained 41% of the seats overall, roughly speaking (because of multimember wards) the Conservatives lost 48% of their seats to Reform, and Labour a massive 63%.

Continue reading Benchmarks for Reform seat gains at the 2026 English local elections

Things continue to go badly for Labour

By Stephen Fisher, 27 February 2026

Yesterday Labour lost the Gorton and Denton parliamentary by-election. This was a constituency were they took 50.8% of the vote at the 2024 general election and an estimated 67.2% in 2019. 

With just 25.4% of the vote yesterday, it was their thirteenth biggest ever drop in vote share at a by-election. Labour’s vote dropped to half of what it was in 2024, and to just under two-fifths (38%) of their 2019 vote. Moreover, Labour had not lost a parliamentary election in the area since the 1931 election: a time when Labour lost four out of every five seats it defended following the collapse of the Labour government during the Great Depression.  

There are already several good analyses of the by-election result including these from (in alpha order), Stephen BushJohn CurticePeter KellnerJohn RentoulMichael Thrasher, and Henry Zeffman, as well as some great pre-election commentary by Rob Ford. There’s lots of good relevant background analysis, including this from Jane Green and Marta Miori. 

I thought this might be a reasonable moment to share the piece below that I wrote for the Oxford Forum on how and why Labour’s support has collapsed since the 2024 general election. 

Since mid-November, when I finished the piece below, Labour’s support in the polls broadly stabilised at around 19%. So, despite numerous developments — including the Budget, Andy Burham being blocked from standing in the by-election, publication of the Epstein files, the departure of Morgan McSweney from number 10, the Scottish Labour Leader calling for Starmer to step down, and various controversial policy announcements and U-turns — Labour’s support in the polls has essentially been steady at around 19% since October.

We shall see if that continues to be the case. 

Perhaps the most important consequence of the by-election result is that it will encourage the Greens to challenge Labour in more places in local elections and for liberal-left voters to be more willing to vote Green in seats Labour are defending. The more success the Greens have at local elections in Labour seats the more they are likely to carry on challenging in Labour seats at the next general election. 

Continue reading Things continue to go badly for Labour

Local elections 2025 summary

By Stephen Fisher, 2nd May 2025.

Updated with all of Thursday’s election results in. That is 23 councils, 1639 seats across 1399 wards/county electoral divisions, 6 directly-elected mayoralties, and 1 parliamentary by-election.

Verdict: 

Extraordinary for Reform, good for the Liberal Democrats, mixed for Greens, bad for Labour, and extremely bad for the Conservatives.

The graph below gives you a sense of how dramatically things changed this year. For an explainer of the PNS see here.

Reform UK:

  • Top of the poll, with 30% in the BBC Projected National Share (PNS) of the vote, up from just 2% in last year’s local elections (due to not fielding many candidates in 2023). Reform comfortably beat UKIP’s best result of 23% in 2013.
  • Won control of +10 councils, despite starting with no seats at all: Derbyshire, Doncaster, Durham, Kent, Lancashire, Lincolnshire, North Northamptonshire, West Northamptonshire, Nottinghamshire, and Staffordshire. 
  • Largest party on a further 4 councils that are “No Overall Control”, so 14 out of 23 in total: Cornwall, Leicestershire, Warwickshire, and Worcestershire.
  • Won the popular vote in 14 authorities.
  • Won the Runcorn and Helsby parliamentary by-election, albeit by just 6 votes, with a 17-point swing. Overturning a majority 34 points or more has only happened in 17 previous by-elections.
  • Won 677 council seats: 41% of the total.
  • Won the Greater Lincolnshire and Hull & East Yorkshire mayoralties, and came a close second in Doncaster, North Tyneside and the West of England
Continue reading Local elections 2025 summary

Understanding the Local Elections Projected National Share (PNS) in 2025

by John Curtice and Stephen Fisher, 1st May 2025.

            One of the highlights of the BBC’s coverage of local elections is the Projected National Share (PNS). This is an estimate of what the GB share of the vote would have been if (a) local elections had been held everywhere, (b) the outcome where there were no elections mirrored the pattern where there were, and (c) the principal parties contested all the seats.

            The aim is to provide a summary statistic that is comparable across local election years irrespective of the particular mix of places that have local elections in any particular year, a mix that varies considerably from year to year. 

             This year’s local elections, for example, take place primarily in rural shire county England. Most of them are places that vote Conservative in especially high numbers. In the general election last July, for example, the Conservatives were neck and neck with Labour rather than 11 points behind. They are also places that voted more heavily for Leave in the 2016 referendum. The PNS is designed, among other things, to remove this unrepresentative character.

However, there are a number of key challenges that make it particularly difficult to calculate a PNS for this year’s elections. In this blog we outline those challenges and explain how we are addressing them.  

Continue reading Understanding the Local Elections Projected National Share (PNS) in 2025

Local election seat projections for 2025

By Stephen Fisher, 30th April 2025.

In recent years, changes in vote-intention opinion polls have generally provided a reasonable guide to headline gains and losses at local elections. Most of the seats up this year were last fought in 2021. Table 1 shows how party support in the opinion polls has changed since then. Reform UK are ahead, just, and never before in England has vote intention been so evenly divided between five parties.

Table 1. Opinion poll changes from 2021 locals to 2025 locals (GB)

%2021 polls2025 pollsChange
Con4123-18
Lab3624-12
LD713+6
Reform225+23
Green59+4

How might these changes translate into net changes in local council seats?

Continue reading Local election seat projections for 2025

Why Labour are already at high risk of losing the next election

By Stephen Fisher, 7th February 2025

The government is only seven months old. Nonetheless, opinion polls show that Labour support has dropped by massive 9 points from the modest 35 per cent of the GB vote they achieved at last year’s general election. Now Labour, Reform, and the Conservatives are roughly level pegging in the mid-20’s.

Some commentators have suggested we should not take opinion polling seriously so early in the election cycle. Afterall the next election does not need to be before August 2029. Plenty of time for things to change?

No. The combination of dire economic indicators, forecasts, and opinion polls, in light of British electoral history, suggests Labour are (perhaps unfairly) already at high risk of losing their majority at the next election. Once down heavily due to an economic crisis, governments rarely win elections; still less prime ministers.

Here are some reasons why Labour, and particularly Keir Starmer, should be seriously concerned.

No government has suffered even close to a 9-point drop from their general election share within their first year and gone on to win re-election.  Thatcher’s government dropped by 10 points within a year and a half of the 1979 election because of the 1980-1 recession. She was on course to lose the next election; only winning because of the Falklands war.

Continue reading Why Labour are already at high risk of losing the next election

Why was Trump elected again?

By Stephen Fisher, 14th November 2024

In last week’s US presidential election there was a modest swing to the Republicans across the country including in the most marginal states. That swing was broadly consistent across different counties (see hereand here), suggesting national-level factors were the most important. 

Post-covid inflation (which apparently made the median voter poorer) led to a drop in approval for the Biden administration from which it never recovered. As Nate Cohn has pointed out, “no party has ever retained the White House when the president’s approval rating was as low as it is today and when so many Americans thought the country was on the wrong track.”

Voters told opinion pollsters that the economy was their main concern and that they think Trump would manage the economy better than Harris. Those who expressed the most concern about the economy swung more heavily to Trump. Similarly, the most economically insecure socio-demographic groups were the ones that apparently swung most to Trump.

Nearly all the forecasting models based on economic factors from the academic forecasting symposiumsuggested Trump would win the share of the vote as he has done. Most strikingly, Ray Fair’s model, which uses only retrospective economic data, prior shares of the vote and incumbency (which party is in the White House), predicted Trump would win 50.5% of the two-party vote. That is extremely close to the 51.0% he appears to have secured

The ousting of the Democrats also fits a broader international pattern whereby incumbent governments have suffered substantial losses in 2024. By such international comparisons, both the US economy and the Democrat vote held up fairly well. Just not well enough for Kamala Harris. 

Continue reading Why was Trump elected again?

How energy and economic crises cost the Conservatives the 2024 general election 

By Stephen Fisher, 5th July 2024

Yesterday was the tenth time since 1922 that voters in Britain kicked out a government after an economic crisis. 

What was truly extraordinary is that since the 2019 election the Conservatives twice changed prime minister in an attempt to rescue themselves, each after an economic crisis, and then Rishi Sunak presided over a third economic crisis.

Governments tend to win elections, except after economic crises. That tendency now accounts for 20 of the last 28 elections. In a further three elections the government rescued themselves by changing prime minister after a crisis (dropping Lloyd George in 1922, dropping Eden after Suez, and dropping Thatcher after the 1990 recession). So, a combination of economic crises and political changes at the top can account for who governed after 23 of the last 28 elections, including all the elections since 1987. 

Yesterday’s election result fits a theory of UK elections I developed in this paper and summarised in this bloglast year, in which an economic crisis is defined to be a recession or a devaluation from a fixed exchange rate. The table below shows how all 28 elections since 1922 fit that pattern, or not. The blog discusses how the exceptions are either near misses of exceptional short-parliaments.

Table: Economic crises, post-crisis political changes of PM and government electoral fortunes since 1922

 Post-Crisis Political Change of PMGovernment wonGovernment lostTotal
No economic crisisNo10(1935, 1955, 1966, Oct 1974, 1987, 2001, 2005, 2015, 2017, 2019)3(1923, 1924, 1951) 13
     
     
Economic crisis since the last electionNo2(1950, 1983)10(1929, 1931, 1945, 1964, 1970, Feb 1974, 1979, 1997, 2010, 2024)12
     
 Yes3(1922, 1959, 1992)03
     
Total 151328 

Even though there have been post-crisis political changes of PM since 2019, the 2024 election is not listed in the bottom row because there was a recession (in 2023) after Sunak took office.

Continue reading How energy and economic crises cost the Conservatives the 2024 general election 

Sixth and final combined forecast for the 2024 general election

By Stephen Fisher, John Kenny, Paul Furey, and Polina Ryzhuk. 3rd July 2024.

10am, 4th July. Updated to correct a minor typo. Forecasts published since the post below was published late last night but before polling stations opened this morning (and any we missed) will be incorporated in the evaluation after the results. So far it looks like those additions would make little difference to the tables below. Thanks to all the forecasters for their contributions.

The average of different kinds of seats forecasts points to a Labour majority of 194 in tomorrow’s general election. Changes since last week are: Conservative +8, Labour -3, LD +4, Reform +1, SNP -2, and no change for the Greens and PC. Those changes are partly due to moves in the betting markets, perhaps in response to polls that improved for the Conservatives, and new complex models (listed in the sources section below). However, MRP projections have worsened for the Conservatives. They are now forecasting an average of just 85 seats for the party.

Continue reading Sixth and final combined forecast for the 2024 general election

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